There have been no legislative changes in Russia since 2022 that relate to education and SOGIGESC issues. Russia has no specific anti-discrimination laws in place that prohibit discrimination in education on grounds of SOGIGESC,
The Constitution (1993) sets out the right to education.
Russia’s infamous “propaganda law” (2013) prohibits the spreading of information about ‘non-traditional sexual relations’ which the law deems “harmful for children”. The law has been used to persecute LGBT people and activists and has been widely condemned, including by the Council of Europe, the European Parliament, and UN mandates. In 2021, President Putin signed the amendments to the Law On Education, which added the concept of “educational activities” in formal and informal education and placed them under state control. ‘Educational activities’ are defined very broadly in the law and could cover podcasts, YouTube and other outreach platforms.
ECRI has recommended that the Russian authorities abolish the legal ban on the provision of information about homosexuality to minors, in line with the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case Bayev and others v. Russia.
In 2023, the Russian Supreme Court ruled that the “international LGBT social movement” is to be added to the country’s list of “extremist” organisations. The Supreme Court decision declared any LGBT activism in Russia criminal. Participation in such activities is punishable by fines or imprisonment.
The propaganda law (2013) bans the discussion of SOGI topics and all themes connected to sexuality in schools. Accordingly, no policies or action plans are in place to protect LGBT learners.
The propaganda law (2013) bans the discussion of sexuality and SOGI topics in schools. As a result, teenagers have access to very little information about reproductive health/healthcare options.
The propaganda law (2013) bans the discussion of SOGI topics in schools.
The propaganda law (2013) bans the discussion of SOGI topics in schools.
The general climate towards LGBTQ people has continued to be difficult. Although a 2020 poll suggests that an increasing number of Russians are neutral towards questions surrounding sexual orientation, the government crackdown on LGBTQ people has continued. The propaganda law has also been used as an instrument in harassing, detaining, prosecuting, raiding and fining LGBTQ people, activists, artists, and organisations. Hate crimes, including murder and extortion, remain common and are rarely addressed by the police or courts. LGBTQ events are routinely attacked or disturbed by extremists or the police. The anti-LGBTQ “purge” in Chechnya has continued since 2017, despite firm international outcry over the past four years.
LGBTQ students are commonly targeted by bullying. In 2020, schools in St. Petersburg were called to screen their students’ social media pages for propaganda. The COVID-19 pandemic has also had a detrimental impact on LGBTQ youth. Helplines had to run extended hours to meet the increased need for support.
In 2021, the Russian LGBT Network released their findings on school bullying on the basis of 2,000 responses from LGBTQ youth aged 13-20. The final study found that many experienced bullying directly from their teachers; that bullying resulted in the plummeting of academic performance; and that students rarely received help as a result of the 2013 “propaganda law”, which means that teachers and social workers are scared to step up.
The government does not provide funding or actively partner with NGOs in relation to LGBTQ inclusive education.
In 2023, the Duma adopted a ban on legal gender recognition, by amending the Federal Law On Civil Status Acts. The amendments also allow for marriages to be annulled if a trans person had transitioned. Future applications will all be denied. It will still be possible to change first and last names. In the ban’s aftermath, at least six trans people committed suicide, one of them a minor, as reported to CSOs. The ban includes an exception for intersex genital mutilation (IGM).
No information is available about policies or practices allowing trans students to use their correct name and gender in schools.
The government does not collect data on anti-LGBTQ bullying. In 2020, the Russian LGBT Network’s school bullying survey was blocked by the Public Prosecutor on the basis of the propaganda law and the decision was upheld by the courts.
Neither the government or schools provide targeted support for LGBTQ learners or their families.
NGOs and initiative groups, such as Coming Out, the Russian LGBT Network, and Revers provide support group meetings and counseling to LGBT people in general. Due to the propaganda law, direct work with minors is not possible. Coming Out works with families of LGBT children, and rainbow families.
The propaganda law (2013) bans the discussion of SOGI topics in schools and therefore no relevant guidelines are in place for teachers or LGBTQ learners. Civil society has made informational materials available, including on coming out, rainbow families and other issues.
Russia is a States Party to seven of the nine core UN treaties, including the ICESCR and the CRC, which enshrines the right to education. Russia is not a member of the European Governmental LGBTI Focal Points Network (as of November 2020) and has not signed the 2016 UNESCO Call for Action. In 2019, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe adopted a resolution calling on Russia to end the persecution of LGBT people.
Here is the country's score for each ground of discrimination on which we based our observations for 8 of the 10 indicators presented above.
To enable a meaningful comparison of country progress over time, we have retroactively aligned the scoring systems used in the 2018 and 2022 Editions of IGLYO’s LGBTQI Inclusive Education Index with the updated 2025 scoring criteria. While each edition of the research has built on the previous one, reflecting evolving standards and priorities in inclusive education, minor changes to indicators and scoring weights were introduced in 2022 and 2025 to improve clarity, consistency, and comprehensiveness.
By recalculating the earlier scores according to the 2025 framework, we have tried to ensure comparability across all three editions and provide a more accurate picture of progress, stagnation, or regression in each country’s approach to LGBTQI-inclusive education. For this reason, you might find some scores in the PDF Report & Index 2018 and 2022 differing from those on the Education website for these two years.